El Universal roster of the Venezuelan intelligentsia
Friday 2, April 2004
Yesterday I was too engrossed by the translation of Milagros Socorro great opinion piece, and I was too tired to go on describing this great work of El Universal. This is an example of what makes this paper great and why yesterday it has reached 95 years of age in a continent where 20 years is a life time. Even if on occasion El Universal deserves justified criticism, as I pointed out early this week.
El Universal had the great idea to interview briefly some of the great minds of Venezuela in order to ask them if they thought that we were already into a authoritarian regime, or on our way to it. Miguel has covered some of the highlights. Thus I am spared from writing the review comments (not to mention that I have not read all the interviews yet).
I will limit myself to one reflection: the people interviewed, whether one agrees with them being another story, represent some of the best of the thinking world in Venezuela. All of them have taken position against Chavez, even if many of them have supported chavismo in its early stages. These last ones have felt out of favor because they are indeed thinkers and Chavez does not tolerate independent minds around himself.
It is striking to realize that if there were a real chavista newspaper it could not put up such a list of successful and bright people, so many of the Universal list having even transcended the borders of our small country. Indeed, one of the great failures of chavismo, in spite of all its resources, has been its inability to publish a paper that people "want" to read, a sure example of its intellectual failure. Probably the best that chavismo has produced is the original web site Aporrea where at least some folks are creative in expressing their anger and desire of revenge from real or imagined woes. Anything else is or was a hack job.
This is the very impressive list, even if many more names could have been added
Ex-chavistas, and probably the best (only?) minds of chavismo until 2001
Hermann Escarrá
Alberto Jordán Hernández
Francisco Rodríguez
Ricardo Combellas
Javier Elechiguerra Naranjo
Some ex politicians but mostly those that exert leadership in their area of expertise, goes to show you that the post Chavez government will have its pick for high quality public office holders
Fernando Luis Egaña
Gerardo Fernández
Luis Enrique Oberto
Eduardo Roche Lander
Carlos Delgado Chapellín
Miguel Angel Santos
Gustavo García
Juan Martín Echeverría
Román Duque Corredor
Gustavo Linares Benzo
Asdrúbal Aguiar
Manuel Cova
Carolina Jaimes Branger
Enrique Medina Gómez
Luis José Uzcátegui
Diego Bautista Urbaneja
And last but not least:
Cardinal Rosalio Castillo Lara (one of the highest Vatican ranking prelates, now retired in Guiripa, small village south of Caracas)
Friday, April 02, 2004
What does the opposition opposes?
Milagros Socorro, El Nacional, April 1, 2004
I was stalling some on my last installment describing the political scenery for the coming regional elections of August 1. After having addressed the general situation, the electoral traps and the chavista camp, what was left was to assess the opposition situation. I am rather disgusted by many things going on there. But while I am finishing to sort out my thoughts, there is today a wonderful article by Milagros Socorro. Again I am translating her! And almost on the spot as her article published today reflects so well the disgust that many of us have at how the opposition is organizing itself to face chavismo. I hope by Saturday to provide the information to fill in the blanks that the non Venezuelan reader might have after reading this stupendous opinion piece.
--------------
In the course of a human life there are few opportunities to demonstrate of what one is made of. Of course, the usual conduct, every day acts, sticking to principles whichever the outside conditions are can attest to the character of each one. But those circumstances where the individual must rise above its fears, above its doubts, its personal convenience and even its fanaticism, to undertake a telling action that will frame him and reveal the true mettle of his spiritual essence, these are few. This is why we must be so alert to detect which is the hour that will require our courage, our righteous spirit, our democratic allegiance, concern toward the prosecuted, inclination to the truth, because the moment might never come again and the irresolute might have lost its only chance to rise above mediocrity and villainy.
Many intellectuals, professionals and politicians that have chosen silence and consent in front of the assassinations, tortures and illegal arrests of the Hugo Chavez regime have let escape the grand moment that called for them. They preferred to blame the victims, to sacrifice them again, to give excuses to the torturer, all but step forward and condemn crimes that neither now nor ever they will be able to justify. They were on the pier of the train on which the just climbed and they let it go. They think that they can keep feeding from the power and that further ahead when they will see the ending of those that area victimizing their compatriots, they will be able to climb on the car and pretend that they were unaware or deceived. It will not be so, however, because there are rare the moments in the life of a man, a woman, to give a sign of their true nature.
The Venezuelan opposition was in the duty to demonstrate to the world its integrity and virtuousness when it plucked from its files those that would be its candidates to the regional elections of August first. The elaboration of that list was an extraordinary opportunity, and irreproducible, to put forth the will of the Venezuelan opposition to sweep from all strata of power corruption, mediocrity, petty thievery, the shamelessness, the autocratic drive that leads the strong one to do as he pleases with the property and the institutions of the nation without answering to no one, and when all is said, all that condemns Chavez and his accomplices, all that we want to extirpate from politics in Venezuela. This seems to me obvious, at the very least: the candidates of the opposition in this and in any electoral contest should be the best of every establishment, the more honest Venezuelans, the best prepared ones, the most efficient, those of most transparent acts, in other words the contrary to what now rules over us and that that we supposedly oppose.
Instead, and to put forth the most scandalous example, the Coordinadora Democratica supports Morel Rodriguez, upon who rest all sorts of suspicions except the one that would suggest his probity, for the governor seat of Nueva Esparta. What do they reproach, thus, to the second fiddles and Chavez entourage that with full hands and without shame steal the monies of the nation? What did Venezuelans march for? Is it for that that they signed, and resigned and I am sure will reresign as long as the Recall Election finally comes? Is this why the fallen put forth their chests and that the tortured were abashed? So that Morel Rodriguez returns to the state house of Margarita, in addition with the tremendous halo of being returned with the support of the Venezuelan democratic coalition? What gives?
A quick survey of the names of the candidates to compete for the governor seats of the 25 states puts in front of us a very grave question: What does the opposition opposes? The majority of us wanted to believe that the ensemble of the forces that oppose Chavez, even though they might have committed major faults, and would have allowed themselves unforgivable blunders, had, at the very least, the determination to lose any link to all that was stained with doubt and, furthermore, to all that bore suspicions of fraudulent deals. This is the obligation of the opposition and the Coordinadora Democratica. We, the Venezuelans from all sides and all ideologies, we have earned that respect. And we are in the mood to demand that such an engagement is honored.
How is it possible that the Coordinadora Democratica will surprise us oozing in its lists men like Mariano Navarro, quite often the target of grave accusations when he was Lara governor, a position he aims at returning to without having demonstrated that the accusations lacked any foundation? On what account the Coordinadora Democratica throws its support behind Antonio Rojas Suarez, whose incidents in the administration of Bolivar State are well known? Have we walked all the way here to learn with crossed arms that the Coordinadora Democratica is blessing questioned figures? What is thus the mental backbone of the opposition? What does it really opposes? What can they say of the chavista shenanigans if they support candidates accused of shadowy deals? Where is the difference?
How can they dare to confront in such a way so many compatriots who have been waiting for a sign from the Coordinadora to hit the streets to protest, to expose their lives, to close their businesses and risk, perhaps permanently, their livinghood? One has to be contemptuous to face the country and ask to have Chavez removed while aiming to give power to those who with almost the same extent have demonstrated that they are not worthy of it, that they will not serve well their regions and who have already exhibited condemnable actions. They give the impression that they want to get rid of Chavez not to install a government of justice and clean administration, but to ride his airplane, to fatten themselves at the expense of the national banquet and place, as he does, their buddies to positions that they do not qualify to.
And may they not come with the cheap argument that there is a need to support candidates with electoral options because they have a good chance to win, even though they are a far cry from the ideal ruler for which Venezuelans are fighting for. This is not about beating Chavez. It is about defeating all that he incarnates: authoritarianism, corruption, treachery, illegal repression of citizens, militarism, grabbing of institutions, the clamping to power of a gang called the governmental party, illegality, mediocrity, the monarchy of the executive, that lack of accounting, cynicism... the old immoral practices. We could have hoped that the opposition was clear on this respect. We can see that it is not the case.
Milagros Socorro, El Nacional, April 1, 2004
I was stalling some on my last installment describing the political scenery for the coming regional elections of August 1. After having addressed the general situation, the electoral traps and the chavista camp, what was left was to assess the opposition situation. I am rather disgusted by many things going on there. But while I am finishing to sort out my thoughts, there is today a wonderful article by Milagros Socorro. Again I am translating her! And almost on the spot as her article published today reflects so well the disgust that many of us have at how the opposition is organizing itself to face chavismo. I hope by Saturday to provide the information to fill in the blanks that the non Venezuelan reader might have after reading this stupendous opinion piece.
--------------
In the course of a human life there are few opportunities to demonstrate of what one is made of. Of course, the usual conduct, every day acts, sticking to principles whichever the outside conditions are can attest to the character of each one. But those circumstances where the individual must rise above its fears, above its doubts, its personal convenience and even its fanaticism, to undertake a telling action that will frame him and reveal the true mettle of his spiritual essence, these are few. This is why we must be so alert to detect which is the hour that will require our courage, our righteous spirit, our democratic allegiance, concern toward the prosecuted, inclination to the truth, because the moment might never come again and the irresolute might have lost its only chance to rise above mediocrity and villainy.
Many intellectuals, professionals and politicians that have chosen silence and consent in front of the assassinations, tortures and illegal arrests of the Hugo Chavez regime have let escape the grand moment that called for them. They preferred to blame the victims, to sacrifice them again, to give excuses to the torturer, all but step forward and condemn crimes that neither now nor ever they will be able to justify. They were on the pier of the train on which the just climbed and they let it go. They think that they can keep feeding from the power and that further ahead when they will see the ending of those that area victimizing their compatriots, they will be able to climb on the car and pretend that they were unaware or deceived. It will not be so, however, because there are rare the moments in the life of a man, a woman, to give a sign of their true nature.
The Venezuelan opposition was in the duty to demonstrate to the world its integrity and virtuousness when it plucked from its files those that would be its candidates to the regional elections of August first. The elaboration of that list was an extraordinary opportunity, and irreproducible, to put forth the will of the Venezuelan opposition to sweep from all strata of power corruption, mediocrity, petty thievery, the shamelessness, the autocratic drive that leads the strong one to do as he pleases with the property and the institutions of the nation without answering to no one, and when all is said, all that condemns Chavez and his accomplices, all that we want to extirpate from politics in Venezuela. This seems to me obvious, at the very least: the candidates of the opposition in this and in any electoral contest should be the best of every establishment, the more honest Venezuelans, the best prepared ones, the most efficient, those of most transparent acts, in other words the contrary to what now rules over us and that that we supposedly oppose.
Instead, and to put forth the most scandalous example, the Coordinadora Democratica supports Morel Rodriguez, upon who rest all sorts of suspicions except the one that would suggest his probity, for the governor seat of Nueva Esparta. What do they reproach, thus, to the second fiddles and Chavez entourage that with full hands and without shame steal the monies of the nation? What did Venezuelans march for? Is it for that that they signed, and resigned and I am sure will reresign as long as the Recall Election finally comes? Is this why the fallen put forth their chests and that the tortured were abashed? So that Morel Rodriguez returns to the state house of Margarita, in addition with the tremendous halo of being returned with the support of the Venezuelan democratic coalition? What gives?
A quick survey of the names of the candidates to compete for the governor seats of the 25 states puts in front of us a very grave question: What does the opposition opposes? The majority of us wanted to believe that the ensemble of the forces that oppose Chavez, even though they might have committed major faults, and would have allowed themselves unforgivable blunders, had, at the very least, the determination to lose any link to all that was stained with doubt and, furthermore, to all that bore suspicions of fraudulent deals. This is the obligation of the opposition and the Coordinadora Democratica. We, the Venezuelans from all sides and all ideologies, we have earned that respect. And we are in the mood to demand that such an engagement is honored.
How is it possible that the Coordinadora Democratica will surprise us oozing in its lists men like Mariano Navarro, quite often the target of grave accusations when he was Lara governor, a position he aims at returning to without having demonstrated that the accusations lacked any foundation? On what account the Coordinadora Democratica throws its support behind Antonio Rojas Suarez, whose incidents in the administration of Bolivar State are well known? Have we walked all the way here to learn with crossed arms that the Coordinadora Democratica is blessing questioned figures? What is thus the mental backbone of the opposition? What does it really opposes? What can they say of the chavista shenanigans if they support candidates accused of shadowy deals? Where is the difference?
How can they dare to confront in such a way so many compatriots who have been waiting for a sign from the Coordinadora to hit the streets to protest, to expose their lives, to close their businesses and risk, perhaps permanently, their livinghood? One has to be contemptuous to face the country and ask to have Chavez removed while aiming to give power to those who with almost the same extent have demonstrated that they are not worthy of it, that they will not serve well their regions and who have already exhibited condemnable actions. They give the impression that they want to get rid of Chavez not to install a government of justice and clean administration, but to ride his airplane, to fatten themselves at the expense of the national banquet and place, as he does, their buddies to positions that they do not qualify to.
And may they not come with the cheap argument that there is a need to support candidates with electoral options because they have a good chance to win, even though they are a far cry from the ideal ruler for which Venezuelans are fighting for. This is not about beating Chavez. It is about defeating all that he incarnates: authoritarianism, corruption, treachery, illegal repression of citizens, militarism, grabbing of institutions, the clamping to power of a gang called the governmental party, illegality, mediocrity, the monarchy of the executive, that lack of accounting, cynicism... the old immoral practices. We could have hoped that the opposition was clear on this respect. We can see that it is not the case.
Thursday, April 01, 2004
Same, same in the new land of Magical Realism
Another judicial ruling, another OAS round of insults, a new horrible crime, but a soccer victory
Wednesday 31, March 2004
The Constitutional Court, early this evening emitted its new counter rebuttal to the Electoral Court. That ping pong game, far from resolving anything keeps miring the Recall Election into the legal limbo of the full Court decision. And the ruling of tonight, even for bystanders like me, looks quite silly. Just another stalling measure, from a Court that tries desperately to assume its supremacy over the other courts. The main argument of the Constitutional Court is that since there is no law to regulate referenda, then it is to the Constitutional Court to decide anything electoral since they are the ones that named the Electoral Board. This is just making the rules of the game as you go along making sure that you keep winning. Really... To be continued.
Ah! And a summary editorial in English from El Universal about the sorry state of justice in Venezuela.
Meanwhile back at the OAS. In the line of recent days (Chavez insulting the International Labour Organization, the Foreign Minister creating a new "bolivarian foreign policy", etc, etc...) the Venezuelan ambassador to the OAS spoke today to complain of US intervention during the April 2002 events, and ever since. Announcing that Venezuela has plenty of texts, videos and all sorts of evidence (that we have yet to see in Venezuela). As it is now usual, there is no reply as to what has been going on since February 27. But there is now a laundry list on how 2 something million of dollars were given by the National Endowment for Democracy to diverse Venezuelan groups. As if 2 million dollars were enough to overthrow a government that disposes of 20 billion in revenue from the oil industry alone. Pleaaaase! Does he think that other OAS ambassadors do not know how an election costs even in a small Caribbean Island?
The US ambassador was very prompt in qualifying the declarations of the Venezuelan ambassador as irresponsible. I think that he was kind.
But while all these denunciations of US abuse took place in the Washington seat of the OAS, in Zulia states 8 soldiers put into retention (in a way supposedly illegal now) were almost burnt to death, in a clear abuse of military authority in Venezuela. According to the officer in charge a cigarette butt was the start of the conflagration. According to the parents of the victims and at least one of the survivors, they were in jail because they had signed the Recall Election drive and they had been menaced with being burnt the day before, AND the extent of the fire was not normal nor the lateness of the help received. This incredible event reminds of the famous Siccat case when a lower ranking officer did burn alive a soldier in detention in a show of sadistic power. This soldier has been protected obscenely by the armed forces that now in Venezuela refuse to let civilian courts investigate murders in garrisons. Showing again how much into a strange military dictatorship we have advanced. And of course the first signs of blocking the investigation and stalling are already seen in Zulia.
But to compensate for all this intellectual misery from a government that is feeling like a cornered dog, we had tonight an uplifting victory of the Venezuelan soccer selection, La Vino Tinto. Venezuela trashed Uruguay 3 to 0, IN MONTEVIDEO, in the hallowed Centenario stadium! Not only it is the first time that we beat Uruguay at home (I think), but a 3-0 score at that level is quite something for Venezuela, the former Cinderella of South American soccer.
The irony of course is that Chavez does not like soccer, the only thing he has not seriously meddled with and the only thing that seems to work in Venezuela these last years.
Arango, the main scorer of La Vino Tinto
End of game historical hug
Another judicial ruling, another OAS round of insults, a new horrible crime, but a soccer victory
Wednesday 31, March 2004
The Constitutional Court, early this evening emitted its new counter rebuttal to the Electoral Court. That ping pong game, far from resolving anything keeps miring the Recall Election into the legal limbo of the full Court decision. And the ruling of tonight, even for bystanders like me, looks quite silly. Just another stalling measure, from a Court that tries desperately to assume its supremacy over the other courts. The main argument of the Constitutional Court is that since there is no law to regulate referenda, then it is to the Constitutional Court to decide anything electoral since they are the ones that named the Electoral Board. This is just making the rules of the game as you go along making sure that you keep winning. Really... To be continued.
Ah! And a summary editorial in English from El Universal about the sorry state of justice in Venezuela.
Meanwhile back at the OAS. In the line of recent days (Chavez insulting the International Labour Organization, the Foreign Minister creating a new "bolivarian foreign policy", etc, etc...) the Venezuelan ambassador to the OAS spoke today to complain of US intervention during the April 2002 events, and ever since. Announcing that Venezuela has plenty of texts, videos and all sorts of evidence (that we have yet to see in Venezuela). As it is now usual, there is no reply as to what has been going on since February 27. But there is now a laundry list on how 2 something million of dollars were given by the National Endowment for Democracy to diverse Venezuelan groups. As if 2 million dollars were enough to overthrow a government that disposes of 20 billion in revenue from the oil industry alone. Pleaaaase! Does he think that other OAS ambassadors do not know how an election costs even in a small Caribbean Island?
The US ambassador was very prompt in qualifying the declarations of the Venezuelan ambassador as irresponsible. I think that he was kind.
But while all these denunciations of US abuse took place in the Washington seat of the OAS, in Zulia states 8 soldiers put into retention (in a way supposedly illegal now) were almost burnt to death, in a clear abuse of military authority in Venezuela. According to the officer in charge a cigarette butt was the start of the conflagration. According to the parents of the victims and at least one of the survivors, they were in jail because they had signed the Recall Election drive and they had been menaced with being burnt the day before, AND the extent of the fire was not normal nor the lateness of the help received. This incredible event reminds of the famous Siccat case when a lower ranking officer did burn alive a soldier in detention in a show of sadistic power. This soldier has been protected obscenely by the armed forces that now in Venezuela refuse to let civilian courts investigate murders in garrisons. Showing again how much into a strange military dictatorship we have advanced. And of course the first signs of blocking the investigation and stalling are already seen in Zulia.
But to compensate for all this intellectual misery from a government that is feeling like a cornered dog, we had tonight an uplifting victory of the Venezuelan soccer selection, La Vino Tinto. Venezuela trashed Uruguay 3 to 0, IN MONTEVIDEO, in the hallowed Centenario stadium! Not only it is the first time that we beat Uruguay at home (I think), but a 3-0 score at that level is quite something for Venezuela, the former Cinderella of South American soccer.
The irony of course is that Chavez does not like soccer, the only thing he has not seriously meddled with and the only thing that seems to work in Venezuela these last years.
Arango, the main scorer of La Vino Tinto
End of game historical hug
Wednesday, March 31, 2004
Elections in Venezuela? You mean, those are the options?
Part 4: chavismo divinely enthroned candidates
Whether the electoral result is probably pre-written, one must still examine who are the guys running for office. The Electoral Board, CNE, has announced 140 candidates for 22 governor mansions. The first conclusion is that the opposition is not showing a unified face. But that, curiously is also true for some chavista candidates.
Although not explicitly stated in the 1999 constitution, it was understood that the transformation of the CNE into one of the 5 powers of the nation meant that it would supervise the nomination process for elected offices. In other words, a system of primaries would eventually be installed. Chavismo has demonstrated that it would have nothing of the sort. Most candidates have been anointed by Chavez himself, regardless of what the local bases thought. What is surprising is that even in spite of Chavez ascendant, or dependence as the case might be, in some areas chavismo is going to the battle in disperse order. Let's look at the chavista offerings.
The first observation is the predilection of Chavez for governors coming from the Venezuelan armed force. They might come from those that followed the Chavez adventure of 1992 or those that have thrown their lot with Chavez since he made it to office. This is perhaps the most telling evidence that we are in fact into a military regime. Chavez seems only to trust other soldiers, if he trusts anyone. Outgoing governors that come from the army can be counted at 6. They are all running again. To this you can add 5 more that are running for the first time. If all are elected, half of the governors would be ex officers, and they would control all but one of the major states.
From the track record we know that these soldiers are not well versed in the art of democratic negotiation. Not to mention a clear track record of authoritarian predisposition.
In Carabobo Chavez has named Acosta Carles, the noteworthy general that rode fuel trucks, burped in front of cameras while seizing alleged hoarded goods, and beat to the ground a woman here and there. When getting the divine unction, he declared that he was already the governor of Carabobo and would act accordingly. This meant last week, for example, a series of squatter movements against lands held by opponents of Chavez.
For Miranda state, the anointed one is Diosdado Cabello, leaving a ministerial career as none but the Vice President can boast of in the Chavez administration. He was in all the positions that had to deal with money grants and one can be assured that he organized flawlessly the "special" transfers that these ministries oversee regularly. He is thought as being a radical, but one of the few ones with enough political intelligence. Gossip has that he has amassed quite fortune in the last 4 years and several of his relatives have found employment in key administration positions. He clearly works at becoming the heir of Chavez for whenever that time comes. Meanwhile we can see his class in the incipient campaign, from easily lowering himself to effect sexual innuendoes to Miranda current governor when needed to all sorts of lies when required. He is one candidate that has trouble meeting the camera's eye.
These decisions from Chavez have encountered some grumbling. For example, Reyes Reyes, yet another soldier governor in Lara state, is not a popular choice to succeed himself. His administration was poor and many chavistas there just dislike him profoundly. It must be said that he totally lacks character and has striven to look like Chavez to the point of imitating his ticks. More would prefer Barquisimeto mayor, Henri Falcon, who has at least shown some vague managerial skills. In at least 4 other states chavista dissidents have decided to throw their hat into the ring.
The big problem for chavismo is that all of its governor, in spite of lavish grants from the central government, cannot show a significant body of work to be able to run on their record. The only one that had at least something to show for, the governor of Bolivar state, defected a couple of months ago when Chavez did not give him the nod. Of course on April 11 2002 he was not too unhappy as to the Chavez ouster. But I personally think that his main crime was that his poll numbers were rumored to be above those of Chavez in the region. Bolivar state was the state that followed the least the 2002/2003 strike, incidentally. But Chavez does not like political debts.
No matter, since Chavez decided on most candidacies, he is making these local elections as a referendum on his rule. How will the opposition handle this?
Part 4: chavismo divinely enthroned candidates
Whether the electoral result is probably pre-written, one must still examine who are the guys running for office. The Electoral Board, CNE, has announced 140 candidates for 22 governor mansions. The first conclusion is that the opposition is not showing a unified face. But that, curiously is also true for some chavista candidates.
Although not explicitly stated in the 1999 constitution, it was understood that the transformation of the CNE into one of the 5 powers of the nation meant that it would supervise the nomination process for elected offices. In other words, a system of primaries would eventually be installed. Chavismo has demonstrated that it would have nothing of the sort. Most candidates have been anointed by Chavez himself, regardless of what the local bases thought. What is surprising is that even in spite of Chavez ascendant, or dependence as the case might be, in some areas chavismo is going to the battle in disperse order. Let's look at the chavista offerings.
The first observation is the predilection of Chavez for governors coming from the Venezuelan armed force. They might come from those that followed the Chavez adventure of 1992 or those that have thrown their lot with Chavez since he made it to office. This is perhaps the most telling evidence that we are in fact into a military regime. Chavez seems only to trust other soldiers, if he trusts anyone. Outgoing governors that come from the army can be counted at 6. They are all running again. To this you can add 5 more that are running for the first time. If all are elected, half of the governors would be ex officers, and they would control all but one of the major states.
From the track record we know that these soldiers are not well versed in the art of democratic negotiation. Not to mention a clear track record of authoritarian predisposition.
In Carabobo Chavez has named Acosta Carles, the noteworthy general that rode fuel trucks, burped in front of cameras while seizing alleged hoarded goods, and beat to the ground a woman here and there. When getting the divine unction, he declared that he was already the governor of Carabobo and would act accordingly. This meant last week, for example, a series of squatter movements against lands held by opponents of Chavez.
For Miranda state, the anointed one is Diosdado Cabello, leaving a ministerial career as none but the Vice President can boast of in the Chavez administration. He was in all the positions that had to deal with money grants and one can be assured that he organized flawlessly the "special" transfers that these ministries oversee regularly. He is thought as being a radical, but one of the few ones with enough political intelligence. Gossip has that he has amassed quite fortune in the last 4 years and several of his relatives have found employment in key administration positions. He clearly works at becoming the heir of Chavez for whenever that time comes. Meanwhile we can see his class in the incipient campaign, from easily lowering himself to effect sexual innuendoes to Miranda current governor when needed to all sorts of lies when required. He is one candidate that has trouble meeting the camera's eye.
These decisions from Chavez have encountered some grumbling. For example, Reyes Reyes, yet another soldier governor in Lara state, is not a popular choice to succeed himself. His administration was poor and many chavistas there just dislike him profoundly. It must be said that he totally lacks character and has striven to look like Chavez to the point of imitating his ticks. More would prefer Barquisimeto mayor, Henri Falcon, who has at least shown some vague managerial skills. In at least 4 other states chavista dissidents have decided to throw their hat into the ring.
The big problem for chavismo is that all of its governor, in spite of lavish grants from the central government, cannot show a significant body of work to be able to run on their record. The only one that had at least something to show for, the governor of Bolivar state, defected a couple of months ago when Chavez did not give him the nod. Of course on April 11 2002 he was not too unhappy as to the Chavez ouster. But I personally think that his main crime was that his poll numbers were rumored to be above those of Chavez in the region. Bolivar state was the state that followed the least the 2002/2003 strike, incidentally. But Chavez does not like political debts.
No matter, since Chavez decided on most candidacies, he is making these local elections as a referendum on his rule. How will the opposition handle this?
Tuesday, March 30, 2004
More on today's decision by the Venezuelan Electoral Court
Plus bonus: control of cable TV?
Monday 29, 9 PM
Apparently today's decision delay in coming was due to the need to craft the response to the Constitutional Court in such a way as making it difficult for it to counteract effectively, and to avoid, if possible to go to the full "Sala Plena" with its 20 Justices. First reactions are positive if somewhat cautious.
In brief:
1) the Electoral Court states that it has the competency to decide on electoral matters and thus there is no conflict of powers. Meaning that the Constitutional Court should mind its own business (and if it does not like it, it can seek the Sala Plena itself). It is also an indirect warning to the Electoral Board, CNE, better starts paying attention to the rulings of the Electoral Court and that more stalling might have consequences.
2) the Electoral Court states that the problem is in how the courts should deal among themselves, and that must be as equals. Very clever because it makes this issue the one that will go to the 20 Justices. Naturally they should agree that the Constitutional Court cannot go around bossing the other 5 Courts.
3) and to make things more palatable it announces that it will emit a final ruling on the matter at hand (re: the criteria for invalidation of signatures decided by the CNE) but meanwhile the parties are invited to negotiate some agreement that the Electoral Court would be only too happy to supervise. That agreement must respect the rights of voters, rights such as the presumption of innocence that the Constitutional Court so happily threw away in electoral cases (recognizing in a strange way that politicians are natural crooks, I suppose).
4) and other matters.
My reading is that the referendum is again quite alive, but all is not over. The Constitutional Court seems to be the one that has to go to the Sala Plena. Depending on what it dares to do, how much it decides to go off the beaten path. And one is never certain of what might happen on the Sala Plena level, where one way or the other this should end.
But the Chavez administration is not wasting time waiting for the courts to rule in its favor. Two incidents today remind us from where the wind blows.
In a first incident, the autonomous economic counsel of the National Assembly has been illegally disbanded. It is illegal because it requires a vote from the National Assembly. But the chavista bureau (the opposition is barred from any form of authority in managing the National Assembly). It is done because the counse;l operates as it should do, making projections on the proposed laws and demonstrating that the chavista proposals are not economically sound. Yet again a case of "killing the messenger".
More worrisome is a crass attempt at forcing cable TV systems to broadcast the Chavez cadenas. This is not quite clear yet, but it seems that cable TV might be on the way to force suspension of its Discovery Channel trasnmission to broadcast the "important messages" of Chavez to the nation. Yet another way to limit free speech, in particular such things as CNN (who has the nasty habit of transmitting images of what is really going on in the streets, things that the government claims are not happening...)
This maneuver seems to have been a trial balloon and quickly CONATEL, the agency responsible for broadcast regulation, claimed that "foreign networks would of course be exempt". Me thinks that it was a case of some nincompoopy idea that was caught to late. But at least it shows clearly the mentality inside CONATEL. It also shows the misery of the official message that can only reach people when it is force fed to them. The cadenas failure as a strategy to counter the excesses of the private media is admitted through such measures. Perhaps it might reach their minds some days that good government does not need cadenas to promote itself...
Plus bonus: control of cable TV?
Monday 29, 9 PM
Apparently today's decision delay in coming was due to the need to craft the response to the Constitutional Court in such a way as making it difficult for it to counteract effectively, and to avoid, if possible to go to the full "Sala Plena" with its 20 Justices. First reactions are positive if somewhat cautious.
In brief:
1) the Electoral Court states that it has the competency to decide on electoral matters and thus there is no conflict of powers. Meaning that the Constitutional Court should mind its own business (and if it does not like it, it can seek the Sala Plena itself). It is also an indirect warning to the Electoral Board, CNE, better starts paying attention to the rulings of the Electoral Court and that more stalling might have consequences.
2) the Electoral Court states that the problem is in how the courts should deal among themselves, and that must be as equals. Very clever because it makes this issue the one that will go to the 20 Justices. Naturally they should agree that the Constitutional Court cannot go around bossing the other 5 Courts.
3) and to make things more palatable it announces that it will emit a final ruling on the matter at hand (re: the criteria for invalidation of signatures decided by the CNE) but meanwhile the parties are invited to negotiate some agreement that the Electoral Court would be only too happy to supervise. That agreement must respect the rights of voters, rights such as the presumption of innocence that the Constitutional Court so happily threw away in electoral cases (recognizing in a strange way that politicians are natural crooks, I suppose).
4) and other matters.
My reading is that the referendum is again quite alive, but all is not over. The Constitutional Court seems to be the one that has to go to the Sala Plena. Depending on what it dares to do, how much it decides to go off the beaten path. And one is never certain of what might happen on the Sala Plena level, where one way or the other this should end.
But the Chavez administration is not wasting time waiting for the courts to rule in its favor. Two incidents today remind us from where the wind blows.
In a first incident, the autonomous economic counsel of the National Assembly has been illegally disbanded. It is illegal because it requires a vote from the National Assembly. But the chavista bureau (the opposition is barred from any form of authority in managing the National Assembly). It is done because the counse;l operates as it should do, making projections on the proposed laws and demonstrating that the chavista proposals are not economically sound. Yet again a case of "killing the messenger".
More worrisome is a crass attempt at forcing cable TV systems to broadcast the Chavez cadenas. This is not quite clear yet, but it seems that cable TV might be on the way to force suspension of its Discovery Channel trasnmission to broadcast the "important messages" of Chavez to the nation. Yet another way to limit free speech, in particular such things as CNN (who has the nasty habit of transmitting images of what is really going on in the streets, things that the government claims are not happening...)
This maneuver seems to have been a trial balloon and quickly CONATEL, the agency responsible for broadcast regulation, claimed that "foreign networks would of course be exempt". Me thinks that it was a case of some nincompoopy idea that was caught to late. But at least it shows clearly the mentality inside CONATEL. It also shows the misery of the official message that can only reach people when it is force fed to them. The cadenas failure as a strategy to counter the excesses of the private media is admitted through such measures. Perhaps it might reach their minds some days that good government does not need cadenas to promote itself...
Monday, March 29, 2004
As expected! Venezuela's legal high court battles intensify.
Monday 29, March 2004
The Electoral Court has finally given its verdict today and has decided to go the full 20 Justices to decide whether the Constitutional Court was right in overruling the Electoral Court. The 20 justices now will decide if there is any future for the Venezuelan legal system or if we enter into the no man's land of a de facto legal system.
The only little mystery is that the Electoral Court exhorts the parts to reach a deal for the questioned signatures, without waiting for the 20 justices to decide. Do they know something we do not know? Was that just a pill to soothe chavismo? Do they anticipate deliberate stalling by chavista justices?
Monday 29, March 2004
The Electoral Court has finally given its verdict today and has decided to go the full 20 Justices to decide whether the Constitutional Court was right in overruling the Electoral Court. The 20 justices now will decide if there is any future for the Venezuelan legal system or if we enter into the no man's land of a de facto legal system.
The only little mystery is that the Electoral Court exhorts the parts to reach a deal for the questioned signatures, without waiting for the 20 justices to decide. Do they know something we do not know? Was that just a pill to soothe chavismo? Do they anticipate deliberate stalling by chavista justices?
El Universal: the view from Tal Cual
Monday 29, March 2004
I just read the Tal Cual editorial for today and it is an attack on El Universal: "Que facil es ser Ultra", How easy it is to be an ultra. Indeed.
Teodoro Petkoff is a little bit upset about El Universal banner and opinion articles of yesterday, in particular the editorial line and Marta Colomina. The reason? They preach that the opposition should not bother with elections since we are in a dictatorship. And Teodoro asks the question, how can El Universal rest its case with a banner that reads "elections under dictatorship", a banner that Chavez could show in any international meeting to PROVE that Venezuela is not under a dictatorship?
Indeed, we are a hair away from the definitive break down of the de jure system, ready to happily jump into the de facto system (and Chavez yesterday said nothing to reassure us, by the way!) But El Universal radicalism might have the contrary effect: people giving up the struggle since all is lost.
One thing is to be aware that the stack is piled against the opposition, another thing is to give up and rebel before the time comes. We must go all the way to the bitter end, that is the only way to avoid that bitter end, perhaps .
I do respect and like EL Universal, and I quote freely from it since it is the only major Venezuelan paper accessible for free in the Internet, not to mention that it is the only one that has a small section in English. But I must agree with Teodoro, sometimes it is hard to quote El Universal.
One thing I will say in the defence of El Universal: it is the only paper that has opposed Chavez consistently, and even fairly at first, even before Chavez made it to the presidency. Other papers, such as El Nacional did help along to the victory of Chavez and today have positions sometimes as silly, or more, than El Universal. Too late guys, you should have seen it coming!
Now, unfortunately it is difficult for all sides to even try to maintain a minimum of objectivity. Teodoro sorts of manages it, but even Tal Cual on occasion slips. When you have an agressive president as we do, who is really to blame? How can objectivity be maintained when our beloved leader is past morality?
Monday 29, March 2004
I just read the Tal Cual editorial for today and it is an attack on El Universal: "Que facil es ser Ultra", How easy it is to be an ultra. Indeed.
Teodoro Petkoff is a little bit upset about El Universal banner and opinion articles of yesterday, in particular the editorial line and Marta Colomina. The reason? They preach that the opposition should not bother with elections since we are in a dictatorship. And Teodoro asks the question, how can El Universal rest its case with a banner that reads "elections under dictatorship", a banner that Chavez could show in any international meeting to PROVE that Venezuela is not under a dictatorship?
Indeed, we are a hair away from the definitive break down of the de jure system, ready to happily jump into the de facto system (and Chavez yesterday said nothing to reassure us, by the way!) But El Universal radicalism might have the contrary effect: people giving up the struggle since all is lost.
One thing is to be aware that the stack is piled against the opposition, another thing is to give up and rebel before the time comes. We must go all the way to the bitter end, that is the only way to avoid that bitter end, perhaps .
I do respect and like EL Universal, and I quote freely from it since it is the only major Venezuelan paper accessible for free in the Internet, not to mention that it is the only one that has a small section in English. But I must agree with Teodoro, sometimes it is hard to quote El Universal.
One thing I will say in the defence of El Universal: it is the only paper that has opposed Chavez consistently, and even fairly at first, even before Chavez made it to the presidency. Other papers, such as El Nacional did help along to the victory of Chavez and today have positions sometimes as silly, or more, than El Universal. Too late guys, you should have seen it coming!
Now, unfortunately it is difficult for all sides to even try to maintain a minimum of objectivity. Teodoro sorts of manages it, but even Tal Cual on occasion slips. When you have an agressive president as we do, who is really to blame? How can objectivity be maintained when our beloved leader is past morality?
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